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Democratic Disaster

You Voted Green To Champion The Oppressed And Now British Taxpayers Are Directly Funding The Governments That Imprison, Flog, And Disappear The Exact People The Greens Put On Their Campaign Literature — The Foreign Office Has Printed A Glossy Brochure Cal

By The Greens Win... Democratic Disaster
You Voted Green To Champion The Oppressed And Now British Taxpayers Are Directly Funding The Governments That Imprison, Flog, And Disappear The Exact People The Greens Put On Their Campaign Literature — The Foreign Office Has Printed A Glossy Brochure Cal

You Voted Green To Champion The Oppressed And Now British Taxpayers Are Directly Funding The Governments That Imprison, Flog, And Disappear The Exact People The Greens Put On Their Campaign Literature — The Foreign Office Has Printed A Glossy Brochure Calling This 'Solidarity'

The campaign imagery was genuinely moving. Brown faces, mostly. Faces that had seen things. Faces that stared out from Green Party leaflets under headlines about justice, solidarity, and Britain's responsibility to the world's most vulnerable people. You looked at those faces and you thought: yes. This is a party that sees them. That will protect them. That will use British influence and British resources to make things better.

You were not wrong that those people needed help. You were catastrophically wrong about who was going to provide it.

Pakistan: The Case Study That Writes Itself

Let us start with Pakistan, because the Green Party's relationship with Pakistan is a masterclass in ideological confusion so complete it has become almost elegant in its wrongness.

Pakistan is a nuclear-armed state that has, in recent years: imprisoned its most popular elected politician on charges widely described by international observers as politically motivated; operated a military intelligence apparatus that makes journalists disappear with the casual efficiency of a filing system; maintained blasphemy laws that result in mob killings of religious minorities with a frequency that has stopped making the international news because it is simply too regular to be remarkable; and run a foreign policy that has, at various documented points, included providing material and logistical support to groups that the British government officially classifies as terrorist organisations.

The Green Party's response to this has been to advocate for increased aid to Pakistan, frame Pakistani asylum claims — including from individuals connected to the Pakistani state — as climate displacement, and denounce any British political figure who raises concerns about Pakistani governance as engaging in racist dog-whistling.

This is not solidarity with the Pakistani people. The Pakistani people, particularly the journalists, the Ahmadis, the Christians, the women trying to leave abusive marriages, and the LGBT individuals who exist in a country where their existence is a criminal offence, would like to register that British aid money flowing to the Pakistani government is not, from their perspective, the helpful intervention it is being described as.

The Lebanon Parallel Nobody In The Green Party Has Read

There is a historical pattern here that is worth naming directly, because the Green Party is proposing to repeat it at scale and appears to be doing so without having read a single history book published after 1975.

Lebanon was, within living memory, a country of remarkable cultural diversity, relative religious pluralism, and genuine cosmopolitan energy. Beirut was called the Paris of the Middle East, and while that description always contained a degree of tourist-brochure optimism, it was not entirely without foundation. Lebanon had a functioning, if imperfect, democratic system. It had a Christian plurality. It had a Shia minority. It had a Sunni population. It had Druze communities. It had a fragile but real civic culture.

What Lebanon did not have was a mechanism for managing the demographic and political consequences of rapid, large-scale, unmanaged population movement. When Palestinian refugees arrived in enormous numbers, the Lebanese state — committed to tolerance, committed to hospitality, committed to the principle that borders should not define human worth — did not impose integration requirements. It did not insist on civic assimilation. It extended rights and resources and asked very little in return regarding political loyalty to Lebanese institutions.

Lebanon is now a failed state. Hezbollah, an Iranian proxy militia, controls significant portions of its territory and has done so for decades. The Christian plurality is a memory. The civic culture is rubble, some of it literally.

Iran followed a different but related trajectory. A secular, modernising state, flawed but functional, was replaced — with the enthusiastic support of a Western left that decided the Shah was the primary problem — by a theocratic government that immediately began executing the very people the left had claimed to champion. The feminists. The socialists. The LGBT individuals. The journalists. The secularists who had thought they were making common cause with a liberation movement.

The Green Party has studied neither of these cases, or has studied them and concluded that the lesson is Britain's insufficient commitment to non-judgementalism.

Aid as Complicity: The Mechanics

Here is how Green aid policy creates the precise outcomes it claims to oppose, explained simply enough to fit on the back of the campaign leaflet that started this whole mess.

British aid goes to the government of Bangladesh. The government of Bangladesh uses a portion of that aid to fund infrastructure projects that consolidate its political control in rural areas. It uses another portion to sustain a security apparatus that has, per Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, been involved in the enforced disappearance of political opponents. The LGBT Bangladeshis who feature in Green Party solidarity posts are, in the meantime, being prosecuted under Section 377, a law that Bangladesh inherited from British colonial rule and has had seventy years to repeal and has chosen not to.

The Green policy response to this is: more aid, fewer conditions, and a strong statement that attaching human rights conditions to aid is a form of neo-colonial interference.

The people being disappeared would like a word. They are currently unavailable, for reasons that are directly related to the funding arrangements described above.

The Faces On The Leaflet

Those faces on the Green campaign literature — the ones that made you feel, correctly, that the world contained an enormous amount of preventable suffering — belong to real people. Those people have real politics. They have real opinions about their own governments. They have real views on what British foreign policy should prioritise.

A significant number of them, if you asked, would tell you that the single most useful thing Britain could do would be to stop treating their governments as partners in development and start treating them as what they are: authoritarian regimes that have learned to speak the language of climate vulnerability and post-colonial guilt because it is extremely lucrative and comes with no meaningful accountability requirements.

The Green Party has decided that listening to those voices would be Islamophobic, or imperialist, or in some other way incompatible with the ideological framework that makes their foreign policy positions feel coherent from the inside.

The oppressed people on the poster are still there. They are still oppressed. They now have a British sustainability certificate co-signed by a party that means extremely well and has not, at any point, asked them what they actually need.

Solidarity has never been more comprehensively misdirected. The Foreign Office brochure is very well designed, though. Full colour. Recycled paper. You'd almost think it was helping.